Mexican Family Names Newborn After 'Brexit'

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A. Glenkross analyzes in every detail the circumstances which have compelled the British Prime Minister D. Cameron to put a question of EU membership on vote. The reason for Britain to vote on EU membership, as A. Glenkross states, was the 2015 UK General Election that “set брексит история the stage for this momentous decision. For despite heralding a return to one-party majority government, that election revealed a country torn between exceptionalist identity claims”2. 1 Glencross A. Why the UK Voted for Brexit. David Cameron’s Great Miscalculation.

A. Glencross believes that D. Cameron’s tactics in 2016 — as with Labour in 1974 — 1975 — was to attempt a reconciliation of two camps, first through renegotiation of terms of EU membership. The author makes a conclusion that the problem with that strategy was that, “as the referendum campaign eventually demonstrated, there is both little common ground between the two factions and not much scope for change within the EU system”23. The British media and political establishment were divided over the merits of integration. The most significant consequence of this ideological hostility was a persistent information deficit among British voters.

The author vividly illustrates how much press deformed the facts by the fact that “citizens1 median estimate for British contribution to the EU budget is €40 billion per annum, when the reality is €11 billion”24. The success on elections in European Parliament of populist Party of Independence of the United Kingdom was connected in the book with the general negative perception of EU and the requirement to restrict immigration from other EU countries. The author accuses T. Blair’s government of the scale of potential labour migration and chose not to impose transitional controls after the 2004 enlargement21. He mentions that even the Europhile wing in the Conservative Party recognized that enormous gains that the free movement of EU citizens offers, such as capital mobility and free labour movement, provides UK businesses with a vast pool of resources with which to innovate and grow, can be realized but only on the basis of accepting constrains on immigration policy.

However, to answer these questions authentically could be possible only by analyzing governmental documents on political strategy as well as final results of negotiations with EU regarding terms of the UK leaving. In 2017 the government stated its position in two White Papers and reports on the preliminary results of negotiations by the government members.

In the fourth chapter “The EU Referendum Campaign” the author characterizes D. Cameron’s tactic which proved to be effective in 1975 referendum. At that time the British government emphasized economic gains from EEC membership. However, in the new conditions to the UK in 2016 the tactic proved to be “the great miscalculation”. Despite the fact that polls demonstrated positive attitudes of voters towards staying in a reformed EU, the government misjudged the public mood regarding both immigration and trust in ruling elites.

A. Glencross states that on a strategic level, UK’s withdrawal from the EU has a number of important ramifications, many of them potentially favourable to French interests. France’s permanent UN Security Council seat could gain a new legitimacy as the voice of the EU on the international stage. The absence of a British presence in the EU’s decision-making bodies would make trade and regulation policy more protectionist in line with the instincts of French governments of both Left and Right.

Lastly, a British departure would make the Franco-German tandem once again the be-all and end-all of European integration. Brexit could in fact breathe new life into this stalled alliance by creating momentum for a new EU initiative as a show of defiance to British Euroscepticism. But reticence of the French President’s to discuss Brexit is not attributed to ideological hostility by the author.

This review essay focuses on the monograph of the British researcher A. Glenkross. It is brexit news devoted to the key topic in international discussions — Britain’s exit from the EU.

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  • According to her, David Cameron’s negotiation was a “valiant final attempt to make it work for Britain” but “the blunt truth” was that “there was not enough flexibility on many important matters for a majority of British voters”19.
  • But reticence of the French President’s to discuss Brexit is not attributed to ideological hostility by the author.
  • The future of Northern Ireland is also not certain as the majority of its population has voted against leaving the EU.
  • “The public expect to be able to hold their governments to account very directly and as a result supranational institutions as strong as those created by the European Union sit very uneasily in relation to our political history and way of life”18.
  • Gove and Johnson are shown as having some reticence over specific Vote Leave claims (e.g. £350 million for NHS, and 70 million potential Turkish emigrants) but are seen to overcome them.

As a result, D. Cameron needed to avoid a stalemate and to proclaim a substantive victory, however result would depend on the response from other EU capitals. A. Glencross demonstrates that the objective of renegotiation of the UK membership terms was the necessity to conclude a new agreement with the European Council, but not leaving the EU. First of all, it was the UK attempt to do away with Britain’s treaty commitment to “ever closer union”, which meant for the Eurosceptics loss of the sovereignty and national identity28.

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Or, secondly to accept that England shall divest itself of its colonies in Scotland and Ireland (and perhaps Wales too) and they will remain in their present relationship to the EU leaving England free to sink or swim on its own merits. For as long as both a land border on the island of Ireland is unacceptable and a sea border in the Irish Sea is unacceptable the issue is beyond resolution. is exactly what some fear Brexit will do, unless Britain remains part of the EU’s single market and a customs union – an option that Theresa May ruled out at the beginning of the withdrawal process. Brexit is first and foremost an English bid for independence, and many of the difficulties stem from an assumption that the Scots and Northern Irish populations (and their resources) can be dragged along as chattels. Wonderful essay.

This is because the right of EU citizens to move to the UK became inherently politicized as part of a broader debate over immigration — a subject absent from the 1975 EEC referendum. The author reported that the Great Britain brexit новости denied access to in-work benefits to recently arrived jobseekers from elsewhere in the EU, despite it was discriminatory. The rules oblige UK workers to have contributed for a number of years prior to claiming benefits.

Brexit: The Uncivil War

While analyzing a position of Eurosceptics, the author emphasizes two important aspects, firstly, “the nature of EU membership is somehow unfair or too restrictive for the more free-trade and globally oriented UK”. As a result, the UK had an opt-out from the most constraining aspect of integration, European Monetary Union and its tight fiscal coordination, secondly, “there was no national consent to membership in the political union as on the 1975 referendum British voted for a common market and not a political union”17.

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Glencross examines similarities and differences between the 2016 and the 1975 referendums. He argues that the British position towards integration — something greater than the mainstream political trend (possibly, he means eurosceptics), was “not just nationalist populist as with the Front National in France”, it was a position in which “the possibility of withdrawal from the EU” was “openly discussed and real readiness was expressed «to actually devolve this decision to the public vote”16. A. Glenkross assumes that D. Cameron was confident of winning the referendum on the basis of a pragmatism and bean-counting evaluation.

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